Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts

Monday, January 10, 2022

Immigration Reform Is Still Possible — With a Strong Social Movement

Rally at SCOTUS Photo: Tom Williams/ Cq-Roll/Getty Images
2021 didn’t bring anything like the progress many immigrants and their allies were hoping for. But sustained grassroots organizing could turn the situation around in 2022.

By David L. Wilson, Truthout

January 10, 2022

A year ago, it seemed possible that the country might get its first truly positive immigration reform since the 1986 “Reagan amnesty.”

The incoming Biden administration was proposing legislation that would allow most of the country’s 10 to 11 million undocumented immigrants to apply for legal status. The outlines were subsequently included in the Build Back Better bill, but the Democrats had to pare the reform back in order to win approval from the Senate parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, under the arcane Senate reconciliation process. The Democrats’ most recent proposal was just a limited parole for some 6.5 million immigrants, and even that concession wasn’t enough for MacDonough. She nixed the plan on December 16.[…]

Read the full article:

https://truthout.org/articles/immigration-reform-is-still-possible-with-a-strong-social-movement/

 

Rally at SCOTUS Photo: Tom Williams/ Cq-Roll/Getty Images

Thursday, December 2, 2021

Media Don’t Factcheck Right-Wing Migration Myths

[T]his imbalance is typical of much corporate media immigration coverage. Right-wing media figures and Republican politicians get little pushback when they promote evidence-free, often absurd claims about incentives for unauthorized immigration.

By David L. Wilson, Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting

December 1, 2021

Fox News White House correspondent Peter Doocy asked a bizarre question at President Joe Biden’s November 3 press briefing. The president seemed to misunderstand the question, which referred to potential settlements of a lawsuit stemming from the Trump administration’s notorious 2017–18 family separation policy. Biden bungled his response, apparently calling reports about the settlement “garbage.”

Not surprisingly, the media ran with the story of Biden’s blunder. Doocy’s question, on the other hand, was mostly ignored or played down.[…]

Read the full article:

https://fair.org/home/media-dont-factcheck-right-wing-migration-myths/


Photo: Los Angeles Times

 

Sunday, October 24, 2021

What’s the Relation Between Border Apprehensions and Unauthorized Entries? Part 3

In Part 2 we saw how to break down each year’s unauthorized arrivals into the overstays and the migrants that entered successfully through borders, almost always the southwestern border. But there are two groups of border crossers who join the unauthorized population: the migrants who entered without being apprehended, and the migrants who were apprehended but were allowed to remain—that is, were admitted temporarily to pursue claims for a legal status. (These migrants are still subject to deportation if they fail to win their cases.)

There are three different ways of estimating the number of migrants who entered the U.S. without being apprehended—the “gotaways,” in the Border Patrol’s actual official terminology..

 

The ACS-Based Apprehension Rate

The first method relies on estimates that demographers make for each year’s number of new arrivals in the undocumented population; they base these on the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (ACS; see Part 2). New arrivals consist of migrants who overstayed their visas, migrants who were apprehended at the border but were allowed to enter, and migrants who evaded apprehension.


For the number of new arrivals in 2016, for example, we can use the
2019 CMS report or Robert Warren’s 2018 report in combination with the unpublished CMS data we cited in Part 2. The 2019 report estimates 515,000 total arrivals to the undocumented population in 2016, while the unpublished CMS data puts the number at 623,000. From these estimates we can subtract the estimated overstays, 320,000 in the 2019 report and 306,000 in the 2018 report, to establish how many entered at a land border.

 

Next, we need to estimate the number of migrants that agents apprehended but allowed to enter the country. (As we noted in Part 1, these are mostly asylum seekers who are admitted to the country pursuant to two laws that establish procedures to adjudicate their claims. Many come as family units or unaccompanied minors, and this category started increasing significantly in 2014; for example, 77,674 family unit members and 59,692 unaccompanied minors were apprehended at the southwestern border in 2016.)

 

Source: Congressional Research Service

The Border Patrol reported 408,870 apprehensions at the southwestern border in fiscal 2016, and 245,400 border crossers were removed that year, almost all from that same border. That leaves 163,470 migrants, mostly asylum seekers and unaccompanied minors, who were admitted to the country after being apprehended. 

 Once we subtract the overstays and the admitted migrants from the total arrivals, we have a rough idea of how many migrants entered without being apprehended, and we can use this number to estimate the 2016 apprehension rate—that is, the percent of border crossers that DHS succeeded in apprehending.

 

Using the 2019 CMS report’s estimate of 515,000 total undocumented arrivals and subtract the 320,000 overstays and 163,470 admissions, we estimate that about 31,570 migrants evaded apprehension at the southwestern border in 2016. By adding this 31,570 to the 408,870 total apprehensions, we arrive at some 440,440 unauthorized crossings at that border. This gives us an apprehension rate of 93 percent.

 

If instead we use 2016 arrival number from the unpublished CMS estimates—623,000—and the overstay number from Warren’s 2018 report—306,000—then 317,000 migrants arrived by crossing the border without authorization. Subtracting the 163,470 admissions, we get 153,530 migrants who evaded apprehension. Adding this to total apprehension gives us an estimated 562,400 border crossers, with nearly 73 percent of them being apprehended.

 

Model-Based vs. Observational Apprehension Rates

The US government has a different way to estimate the number of unauthorized migrants who cross the border without being apprehended. In fact, it has two.

 

The government’s two methods are explained in an August 2020 DHS report on border metrics. One is a model-based apprehension rate that extrapolates from a survey the Colegio de la Frontera Norte takes of migrants who have recently attempted to cross the border. The other is an observational apprehension rate. This is extrapolated from Border Patrol observations of people crossing successfully and from evidence like footprints.

 

DHS reports on the model-based apprehension rate go back to fiscal 2000. This shows a dramatic increase, from as low as 32.5 percent in 2003 to a high of 83.9 percent in 2016, with a tendency to rise throughout the period. DHS didn’t start calculating the observational rate until 2006; it too shows a tendency to rise, but not nearly as much as the model-based rate. The lowest rate is 63.5 percent for 2006, while the highest is 79.4 in 2011 both and 2016.

Source: American Immigration Council 2021 Report


The model-based rates seem much too high for the early period. For example, the Border Patrol reported 1,643,679 apprehensions for 2000. The model-based apprehension rate for that year was 42.5 percent, so the number of successful border crossers would have reached some 2,224,000. But Warren and Warren’s estimates based on the ACS only show a total of 1,389,322 undocumented immigrants entering the country that year—and this includes both border crossers and overstays.

 

The observational rate seems to give a more convincing result, and the government’s two different apprehension rates have been close to each other since 2015, which suggests that that they may both be fairly reliable now. For example, the observational rate for 2016 was 79.4 percent, while that year’s model-based rate was 83.9 percent. Applying the observational rate to the 408,870 reported apprehensions, we would estimate that a total of 106,000 migrants crossed the border that year without being apprehended. The model-based rate would yield about 78,000 crossers who weren’t apprehended.

These rates from DHS are about halfway between the rates we calculated from the two different ACS-based estimates. This suggests that the actual rate now is somewhere around 80 percent.

Part 1: http://thepoliticsofimmigration.blogspot.com/2021/08/whats-relation-between-border.html
Part 2: http://thepoliticsofimmigration.blogspot.com/2021/08/whats-relation-between-border_24.html
Part 4: http://thepoliticsofimmigration.blogspot.com/2021/08/whats-relation-between-border_28.html


Thursday, October 7, 2021

Four of the Worst Takes on Asylum

News stories about asylum seekers at the southwestern US border are regularly greeted with uninformed comments from politicians, op-ed writers, and social media users. We’ve compiled a list of four of the worst claims about asylum seekers, with explanations of the actual situation. Please feel free to use our list if you encounter any of these claims.

1. They should apply for asylum from within their own countries instead of taking the long, dangerous journey to the United States.

Migrants cannot apply for asylum from outside the United States. The U.S. asylum system is only for people inside the country or at the border.

U.S. law (8 U.S. Code § 1158defines an asylum seeker as someone seeking refuge at the U.S. border or from within the United States:

Any alien who is physically present in the United States or who arrives in the United States [emphasis added] (whether or not at a designated port of arrival and including an alien who is brought to the United States after having been interdicted in international or United States waters), irrespective of such alien’s status, may apply for asylum in accordance with this section or, where applicable, section 1225(b) of this title.

U.S. law provides a different system for people seeking protection from inside another country. These people are seeking status as “refugees”; this status is defined in 8 U.S. Code § 1101. But people seeking refugee status can’t just visit a U.S. consulate to apply; they usually must go through a “refugee process” involving an international refugee agency. Moreover, this refugee process isn’t available in most of this hemisphere’s nations.

The Obama administration did set up a refugee program called the Central American Minors (CAM) program, and the Biden administration is restarting it. But this program is very limited. During nearly two years of operation under Obama, only about 5,000 Central Americans managed to enter the United States through CAM.

2. Most asylum seekers pass through Mexico—and sometimes other countrieson their way to the U.S. border, so they need to apply for asylum in those countries, not here. Besides, they’d be better off in places where people speak Spanish.

Migrants are not required to apply for asylum in Mexico or other Latin American countries. U.S. law only requires asylum seekers to apply in a country they pass through if that country has a safe third country agreement with the United States.

Here too 8 U.S. Code § 1158 is very specific. The right to seek asylum in the United States is denied only in cases where

the Attorney General determines that the alien may be removed, pursuant to a bilateral or multilateral agreement, to a country (other than the country of the alien’s nationality or, in the case of an alien having no nationality, the country of the alien’s last habitual residence) in which the alien’s life or freedom would not be threatened on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion, and where the alien would have access to a full and fair procedure for determining a claim to asylum or equivalent temporary protection…

Canada is the only country with which the United States has a formal safe third country agreement. The Trump administration negotiated agreements with El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras relating to asylum seekers, but even that administration didn’t have the nerve to designate these as “safe third country agreements.” The three Central American countries clearly didn’t meet the required standards for protecting the asylum seeker’s life or freedom, and they are incapable of providing a full and fair procedure for handling asylum claims.

Media coverage often overlooks one important reason asylum seekers come to the United States rather than nearby countries: Many have family and friends here who can give them help and a place to stay as they pursue their claims. This an especially important consideration for the many family groups with small children and few resources.

Incidentally, there are more than 50 million Spanish speakers in the United States. Mexico is the only country in the world with a larger Spanish-speaking population.

3. Asylum seekers need to enter the country properly at a port of entry; otherwise, they can’t apply for asylum.

How asylum seekers enter the country has no effect on their right to apply for asylum; neither does their immigration status.

This is yet another case where the law is perfectly clear: 8 U.S. Code § 1158 states that

Any alien who is physically present in the United States or who arrives in the United States (whether or not at a designated port of arrival  [emphasis added] and including an alien who is brought to the United States after having been interdicted in international or United States waters), irrespective of such alien’s status [emphasis added], may apply for asylum in accordance with this section or, where applicable, section 1225(b) of this title.

There are various reasons why asylum seekers would decide cross the border between ports of entry, including the presence of dangerous gangs in some Mexican cities near the ports of entry. Border agents also frequently find excuses to impede asylum seekers at the ports of entry. The problem has gotten worse since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, which the U.S. government has used as a pretext for blocking still more asylum seekers.

4. Most asylum seekers are just trying to get into the United States and disappear. Once inside, most never attend their court hearings.

The government doesn’t provide reliable statistics showing the rate of court attendance by asylum seekers, but studies show that most do in fact attend their hearings.

Determining the rate at which asylum seekers “disappear” is extremely complicated, but the overwhelming evidence is that very few simply remain in the country without pursuing their claims. A University of Pennsylvania Law School study showed a 95 percent attendance rate between 2008 and 2018 for people who had applied for relief through asylum, cancellation of removal, or some other legal option for remaining in the country.


Tuesday, July 20, 2021

Let’s Call the “Border Crisis” What It Is: Another Big Lie From the Right

GOP pols tour the border in March. Photo: Joe Raedle/Getty Images

Undocumented immigrants aren’t actually a problem, but the Republican Party has framed them “as criminals and lawbreakers and a grave threat to the nation in order to motivate and mobilize the Republican base, to great effect,” Massey told Truthout. Up until now, the Democrats have failed to push back, he added.

By David L. Wilson, Truthout

July 20, 2021

Republican politicians and commentators spent the last week of June promoting their claim that this year’s increase in apprehensions at the U.S.-Mexico border constitutes — in the words of Fox News host Sean Hannity — “a crisis of a monumental scale.”

 

The campaign’s high point came on June 30 when former president Donald Trump visited a stretch of the border wall near Pharr, Texas, and delivered a number of “questionable statements” about his administration’s supposed enforcement successes.[…]

 

Read the full article:

https://truthout.org/articles/lets-call-the-border-crisis-what-it-is-another-big-lie-from-the-right/

 


Tuesday, June 29, 2021

What Border Crisis?

Annual Border Patrol Apprehensions at the U.S.-Mexico Border, FY 1970 – FY 2020

 

Figure 1 from  "Rising Border Encounters in 2021"

On June 24 the American Immigration Council released an updated version of its indispensable fact sheet on this year’s border encounters. Like the previous versions, this one demonstrates that there actually isn’t a “border crisis”—at least not the one that the right wing and much of media have been hyping for the past five months.

 

Of course there are real crises at the border: the after-effects of the previous administration’s “Remain in Mexico” policy, the present administration’s maintenance of Trump’s expulsions under Title 42 of the health code, and the continuing failures, despite some improvements, to provide acceptable treatment to minors who have crossed the border. But the crisis of hundreds of thousands of foreigners rushing across an open border is simply a fiction.

 

The statistics do show that more immigrants are being encountered (or apprehended) by the Border Patrol than at any other time in fifteen years. But the fact of more encounters doesn’t necessarily mean more migrants are successfully entering the country.

 

The Border Crossings Have Declined…

The “border crisis” narrative ignores differences in the types of encounter, and in the types of people crossing the border. The Council’s fact sheet carefully breaks down these differences.

 

“For nearly a 35-year period beginning in the mid-1970s, the Border Patrol routinely apprehended at least 1,000,000 migrants a year,” the fact sheet notes. A still greater number of migrants succeeded in entering the country without authorization. For example, in fiscal year (FY) 2000 the Border Patrol reported 1.7 million apprehensions, but the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) “estimates that there were an additional 2.1 million successful unlawful entries.”

 

The situation changed rapidly as the number of Border Patrol agents increased—from “11,264 in FY 2005 to 21,444 in FY 2011.” The result was that by fiscal 2012 DHS estimated that for the first time, more border crossers were apprehended than succeeded in entering. Moreover, by then the Great Recession and changing conditions in Mexico had reduced the number of Mexicans seeking work here: “migration from Mexico declined sharply, falling from 1,089,092 apprehensions in FY 2006 to 340,252 apprehensions in FY 2011.”

 

But 2014 brought a new phenomenon, an increase in migrants seeking asylum or arriving as unaccompanied minors. U.S. law has special provisions for asylum seekers, along with unaccompanied minors from countries other than Canada and Mexico. These migrants usually turn themselves in to the Border Patrol; they know that if they pass an initial screening for “credible fear,” they will allowed to remain in the United States temporarily to pursue their cases.

 

There have been a number of spikes in border crossings by these migrants—in 2014, 2016, 2019, and this year. Each of these spikes was treated as a “border crisis” by the media, although none approached the level of unauthorized entry in the years before the Great Recession.

 

…But Border Encounters Have Increased

Asylum seekers and unaccompanied minors aren’t the majority of the border crossers this year, however. What about the other border crossers?

 

One reason this group has grown large is the Biden administration’s continued use of Title 42 to push migrants back from the border without detaining and processing them. “In the first four full months of the Biden administration, 65.4% of all people encountered by the Border Patrol at the border were expelled under Title 42,” the Council notes. As a result, a migrant who has been pushed back can simply try again. For example, 38 percent of the migrants encountered in May had attempted to enter previously within this fiscal year.

 

Each of the migrant’s attempted crossings can result in encountering a Border Patrol agent, and this is then reported as a new border encounter—even though the migrant may never have succeeded in entering the United States.

 

Individuals Apprehended by the Border Patrol and Not Expelled, 10/12 – 5/21

Figure 4 from "Rising Border Encounters in 2021"

This results in border encounter statistics that only reflect attempts to enter this country, not actual entries. In fact, unauthorized entry has remained relatively low—significantly lower than it was fifteen years ago. As the Council’s Aaron Reichlin-Melnick noted in a June 14 tweet, the number of migrants who get across the border without being apprehended is probably about five times lower than the number in 2006.

 

If the current situation is a border crisis, then the United States has been experiencing a border crisis at least since the 1970s, under eight different administrations.

Sunday, June 13, 2021

Hey VP Harris, Here Is a Progressive Way to Address the Root Causes of Migration

VP Harris meets with Guatemalan officials. Photo: Kent Nishimura/LAT/Getty Images

This isn’t to say that progressives should view their program as primarily an answer to the supposed “border crisis.” After all, there’s no reason to fear migration.... But the occasional spikes in border crossings give progressives an opportunity to go on the offensive, to describe the ways that their program would improve the lives of working people both at home and abroad.

By David L. Wilson, Truthout

June 13, 2021

The recent focus on the rising number of Central American asylum seekers at the U.S.-Mexico border could have one positive result: it creates an opening that activists can use to promote a progressive foreign and domestic agenda.

 

The two parties are split over how to slow the current rise in migration. Republicans favor the sort of harsh measures that the Trump administration inflicted on migrants; centrist Democrats also support deterrence, but they propose moderating it slightly and spending a few billion dollars to address Central American migration’s root causes. Vice President Kamala Harris’s statements during her June 7-8 trip to Guatemala and Mexico were typical.[…]

 

Read the full article:

https://truthout.org/articles/hey-kamala-here-is-a-progressive-way-to-address-the-root-causes-of-migration/

Monday, May 24, 2021

Media ‘Border Crisis’ Threatens Immigration Reform

Photo: Herika Martinez/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Establishment coverage has featured hyperbole about recent migration trends and an inexcusable lack of historical context. Worse yet, this style of reporting could have serious consequences in the real world: It may sabotage prospects for a long overdue reform of the US immigration system.

By David L. Wilson, Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting

May 24, 2021

It’s no surprise that right-wing media have hyped a supposed crisis on the US/Mexico border, or that much of the television coverage of current immigration issues has tended to be superficial. What’s striking is how badly the situation has been represented in the more centrist and prestigious parts of the corporate media.[…]

Read the full article:

https://fair.org/home/media-border-crisis-threatens-immigration-reform/

Sunday, December 29, 2019

Bernie Sanders’ Immigration Platform

Bernie Sanders’ campaign released the senator’s immigration platform on November 7. The candidates’ immigration plan is easily the most progressive and most detailed presented by any candidate in this election cycle, and represents a significant advance over Sanders’ stance four years earlier.

Predictably, media coverage focused more on electoral strategy than on the important immigration issues raised in the platform. The immigration issues that the media did discuss were generally the ones the political class considers hot-button questions—abolish ICE? open borders? decriminalize unauthorized entry?—not demands for amnesty and a repeal of  the 1996 laws, the demands that have the greatest impact on immigrant families and communities.

The Sanders platform has the potential to be far more than an electoral ploy. While not perfect, it’s a major step towards getting a wider public to rethink the United States’ entire approach to immigration. 

Below we describe some of the best media coverage.

Vox’s Nicole Narea and Tara Golshan produced a fairly comprehensive summary of the platform in their article, “Bernie Sanders’s immigration plan puts the rights of workers into focus.” As the title indicates, Narea and Golshan note Sanders’ emphasis on undocumented immigrants as workers who are denied their labor rights. The Vox writers also note Sanders’ support for amnesty and his pledge to end Trump’s anti-asylum measures, notably MPP/”Remain in Mexico,” by executive action. But they don’t mention two other major commitments: to repealing the 1996 immigration laws and to addressing the root causes of immigration in US foreign policy.

In The Nation, John Washington’s “Bernie’s Immigration Plan Is Good” makes several important points. While the Vox coverage treats Sanders’ emphasis on labor rights simply as “part of his signature issue of workers’ rights,” Washington also notes that immigration and labor exploitation “cannot be untangled,” just as immigrant rights can’t be treated separately from the struggle against racism. Another important point from Washington: the Sanders platform was largely written by immigrant rights activists rather than by politicians and think tank analysts. Strangely, though, he omits any mention of the platform’s positions on repealing the 1996 laws and on turning back Trump’s attack on asylum.

Bernie Sanders’s New Immigration Proposal Is Incredibly Strong,” by Daniel Denvir in Jacobin also passes over the asylum issue. However, Denvir stresses the organizing potential of the platform’s platform on workers’ rights: “by emphasizing that immigrants are core to the working class rather than a threat to it, Sanders strengthens the multiracial coalition that is this country’s only hope for transformative change.” Denvir also notes that the Sanders approach addresses the US government’s role in creating the conditions that force people to leave their countries. “[W]e must remake the global economy and deliver economic justice,” Denvir writes, “so that people are free to not migrate and stay put if they choose.”

Bernie Sanders’s immigration plan: a response from the front-lines of struggle,” by Lupita Romero at Puntorojo also stresses Sanders’ commitment to addressing the US foreign policies that lie at the heart of much immigration here. Romero, who is an undocumented immigrant herself, emphasizes a point that Washington makes: that Sanders' platform “is the only one truly tapping into the demands of the immigrant rights movement and the popular sentiment for defending and strengthening civil rights.”

But Romero also brings up an issue missed by most coverage: that Sanders’ platform can be used as a starting point for grassroots organizing "through and beyond" the 2020 election. “[C]oalitions and organizing committees should be formed now.” Romero writes. “We should be calling for the abolition of ICE and the DHS, for the repeal of the ‘Illegal Immigration Act of 1996,’ and for active opposition to US intervention in Latin America.”

Saturday, September 14, 2019

The US Has “Disappeared” More Than 42,000 Migrants. Where’s the Outrage?

Trump’s most insidious immigration program is operating under the radar

By David L. Wilson, Truthout
September 14, 2019
The most successful of Trump’s anti-immigrant measures up until now — and possibly the most vicious — hasn’t been getting the attention it deserves.

In operation since late January, Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP), originally called “Remain in Mexico,” allows the U.S. government to push most non-Mexican asylum seekers into Mexico once immigration officials have cleared them to make an asylum claim. As of early September, the number of people forced into Mexico under MPP had reportedly risen to more than 42,000.[…]

Read the full article:
Immigration protest, Grand Central, NYC. Photo: Karla Ann Cote/Nurphoto/Getty Images

Saturday, June 22, 2019

Understanding Trump’s Deportation Raids

[The Trump administration says mass deportation raids will start on June 23. This article from shortly after the 2016 elections seems relevant now. It explained that as a government with only minority support, Trump’s administration would need raids as a way to distract attention from its failures to fulfill the president’s populist promises.

In fact, the White House has carried out a number of mass raids in cities and has restarted the huge workplace raids from the George W. Bush era, although the 2016 article overstated the White House’s ability to carry these raids out. Partly this has been due to the administration’s own incompetence, but a more important factor has been popular resistance—which may have a major impact on this new round of raids. (The article also has a factual error: John Kelly was the third general to head up immigration services, not the second.)—TPOI editor.]

Trump’s Deportation Machine

By David L. Wilson, Jacobin
December 19, 2016
Like so much about the incoming administration, president-elect Donald Trump’s intentions for undocumented immigrants remain unclear. But he seems likely to go forward with a substantial program of “getting them out of our country.”[…]

Read the full article:
Photo: nflravens / Flickr

Monday, May 27, 2019

Families For Freedom: What Will the Strategy Be?

Families For Freedom Newsletter
May 24, 2019
On the immigrant rights frontline, in this current landscape, it is seriously difficult to win and to hold down that win, solely with a legal strategy. For when we do gain a win, the system finds ways to take it back or neuter it. There needs to be a parallel political strategy, which cannot just be of the electoral type, and it must be intentionally informed by those who are, and will be, directly affected by any result of the strategy, to bring true value to it. As obvious as that may seem, we more often than not, have found ourselves “attacking walled cities” according to Sun Tzu’s (Chinese general, military strategist and philosopher) analysis on strategies.

Metaphorically, our “walled cities” are the Courts, which are being fortified at an accelerated and alarming rate with some hardened and odious men and materials, none more so than at the Supreme Court. The somewhat muted response that followed the Supreme Court’s recent decision on Nielsen v. Preap gives sound to the belief that Justice Alito’s superfluous analysis laid a minefield that would prevent or pervert any other attempt to get that close to their wall again.[…]

To read more, subscribe here.
FFF and CAAAV marching during National Day of Action (2018-6-30)

Thursday, May 16, 2019

Book Excerpt: What Happens to Immigrants Accused of Backing the MEK?

John Bolton with MEK leader. Photo: Sipa USA via AP
Recent coverage in the New York Times and other media has highlighted the connection between U.S. national security adviser John Bolton and a radical Iranian group, the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK). Many U.S. political figures have been associated with the group over the years, even though the U.S. government listed it as terrorist organization from 1999 to 2012. Apparently none of these political figures have suffered any consequences for their friendship with the MEK, which pays very high speaking fees. But what happens to immigrants accused of MEK ties?

We deal with this question in chapter 8 of The Politics of Immigration: Questions and Answers, “Are Immigrants a Threat?”

U.S. immigration officials detained the Mirmehdi brothers, four Iranians living in Southern California, for nearly four years, claiming they were members of a terrorist group, the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK). Two of the brothers had attended a June 1997 demonstration in Denver organized by the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCR), a coalition linked to the MEK. It wasn’t until four months later, in October 1997, that the State Department added the MEK to its list of terrorist organizations.

The NCR continued to enjoy the support of at least two hundred members of the U.S. Congress, even after the State Department added the coalition to the terrorist list in 1999, claiming it was another name for the MEK. When the NCR held a rally in front of the United Nations in New York in September 2000, Missouri’s two Republican senators sent a written statement of solidarity that was read aloud to the crowd. One of the two senators was John Ashcroft, who became attorney general in 2002 and fought to block the Mirmehdi brothers’ release on bond. A Justice Department spokesperson later claimed Ashcroft’s statement of solidarity did not “intend to endorse any organization.”

The Mirmehdi brothers were finally released in March 2005, a month after Ashcroft left office and as their case began to draw wider media attention. “This shouldn’t happen in the United States,” Mostafa Mirmehdi said of his family’s ordeal. “If it took place in Iran, I would expect it, but I came here for freedom.”

[We’re occasionally posting excerpts from the second edition of The Politics of Immigration: Questions and Answers. You can order here or from your favorite bookseller.]

Wednesday, May 15, 2019

More Than 200 Immigration Policy Changes Under Trump: MPI

In just two years, the Trump administration has made more than two hundred policy changes affecting immigration, according to a 41-page report written by Sarah Pierce and published by the Migration Policy Institute (MPI) this month. These changes—implemented in areas where the executive branch can act without Congressional approval—constitute “one of the most assertive agendas on immigration in modern times,” Pierce writes.

Some of new policies, like the Muslim ban and the separation of families, have received widespread coverage, but most have garnered little attention; the media and even immigration policy experts have been overwhelmed by the sheer number. Many of the changes, including the ones overlooked by the media, have serious consequences for immigrants and their communities. Examples include former attorney general Jeff Sessions’ imposition of industrial-style speedup on immigration judges and his efforts to limit their ability to exercise discretion.

While most of the changes appear aimed at limiting immigration—a major goal of the administration—others seem merely petty and cruel. For instance, a December 2017 memo “eliminates prior language instructing judges to use the ‘best interests of the child’ standard to ensure that a case involving a minor takes place in ‘child appropriate’ hearing environment.” In other words, judges are not supposed to make allowances for the infants and toddlers that current immigration law forces to attend court hearings.
                       
The report, Immigration-Related Policy Changes in the First Two Years of the Trump Administration, is an invaluable resource for anyone concerned about immigration policy and it effects.

Download the full report:
https://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/immigration-policy-changes-two-years-trump-administration

Saturday, April 13, 2019

A Progressive U.S. Policy Must Extend Beyond Open Borders

Opening the borders is a realistic policy proposal, but we need to view it as inseparable from the broader progressive agenda.

By David L. Wilson, Truthout
April 13, 2019
Two recent articles — by Farhad Manjoo in The New York Times and Khury Petersen-Smith in Foreign Policy In Focus — make the case that U.S. progressives need to embrace open borders as a policy. Petersen-Smith adds that they should support it “without apology.”

It would certainly seem natural for leftists to support the right to migrate. After all, the socialist movement’s historic slogan has been “Workers of all lands unite,” and its anthem is “The Internationale.” But in the past few years, a number of people on the left have come out against the concept.[…]

Read the full article:
Photo: Mario Tama/Getty Images

Monday, April 8, 2019

Two New Articles on Open Borders

Scare stories about “open borders” get published a lot; some even claim to be from the left. Here are two recent articles that make actual progressive arguments for open borders.

Brianna Rennix’s “The Case for Opening Our Borders” is generally excellent, but it’s mostly about sensible immigration reform proposals the Democrats might be persuaded to adopt. Actually opening borders requires more: looking at migration’s root causes and their relation to US policies affecting neighboring countries. Suzy Lee’s piece makes the important point that support for immigrant rights is crucial for all working-class organizing, contrary to the restrictionist ideas of labor bureaucrats in the Gompers model. But she seems to miss the fact that a major source of downward pressure on the wages of native-born workers is anti-immigrant measures like raids and employer sanctions—measures that, ironically, are sold to workers as a way to reduce immigration.
Photo: No More Deaths
The Case for Opening Our Borders
Democrats cannot have it both ways. If you oppose jailing and exiling people for crossing an invisible line, you must be in favor of significantly opening our borders. Fortunately, that’s fine.

By Brianna Rennix, In These Times
March 21, 2019
Democrats and Republicans have long forged a de facto policy consensus on immigration. Yes, Democrats condemn Trump’s wall and his family separation policy, but they pivot to talk about security and control in ways indistinguishable from GOP talking points.

On January 3, their first day in power, House Democrats passed a spending bill that included$1.3 billion in new border fencing, which House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) touted as “smart, effective border security.” […]

Read the full article:

The Case for Open Borders
…[A] call for open borders based on appeals to morality and liberal values will not attract workers motivated by economic concerns. This essay shows the possibility of a strategy calling for open borders and immigrant rights based on workers’ material interests, not just moral pleas.

By Suzy Lee, Catalyst
Winter 2019
The politics of immigration poses one of the most important challenges to the US left today. While the public discourse, with demands for a wall or the panic over a migrant caravan, may be hyperbolic, it only sharpens venerable themes that have structured the debate for a half-century: a nativist movement that sees immigration as a cultural and economic threat, set against an immigrants’ rights movement that argues for a more inclusive and liberal orientation.[...]

Read the full article:

Saturday, March 16, 2019

Ignore the Evidence: the “Invasion” Story, Continued

The Hype. Montage: BBC
Unauthorized immigration across the U.S.-Mexico border is now the lowest it’s been in the past 25 years, Center for Migration Studies (CMS) demographer Robert Ewing wrote in February, citing reports from the CMS and the Pew Research Center. The current undocumented population is estimated at 10.7 million, down more than a million since 2010.

We might expect this finding to appear in a few headlines, especially at a time when President Trump has declared a national emergency on the basis of a supposed security crisis at the southwestern border. Instead, the U.S. media went with headlines like “February had highest total of undocumented immigrants crossing U.S. border in 12 years.” Some of the articles did note that even with the one-month increase, border apprehensions remain dramatically lower than they were in 2000, but this was unlikely to offset the effect of the headlines.

And few noted a point made by University of Illinois at Chicago Latin American and Latino Studies professor Adam Goodman in a twitter thread: many of the undocumented immigrants were asylum seekers that government agents turned away at ports of entry, “forcing them to (a) wait in precarious conditions and in violation of domestic and international law, or (b) or cross the border without authorization.”

“By inflating apprehension statistics,” Goodman goes on, “officials simultaneously (a) create the notion of a surge or invasion at the border, (b) call attention to the need for additional funding, and (c) celebrate DHS's ‘accomplishments.’” The administration then releases the “inflated statistics with hope that mainstream media outlets will pick them up, in turn reinforcing [the administration’s] desired political narrative.” If the media take the bait, the government sends out “inflammatory email blasts citing media reports of the inflated statistics [it] circulated as evidence of a CRISIS AT THE BORDER that constitutes a national emergency.”

Unfortunately, there’s an ongoing problem with the corporate media allowing the White House to create hysteria about asylum seekers at the border—despite Trump’s routine assistance that the “fake news” media are mistreating him. In reality, Trump owes a lot to the media outlets: all the way through the 2016 they failed to push back on repeated claims by all the GOP candidates about a wave of unauthorized immigration that had actually ended in 2008.

The Reality. Graph from Center for Migration Studies
Meanwhile, Trump shows no sign of toning down his anti-immigrant hate speech even after an Australian white supremacist murdered 49 worshippers at two New Zealand mosques. The killer had justified the massacre as a way “to show the invaders that our lands will never be their lands.” At the White House the next day the U.S. president echoed this rhetoric: “People hate the word ‘invasion,’ but that’s what it is,” he said, referring to unauthorized migrants crossing the southwest border.

Trump also discounted the dangers posed by violent white supremacists. “I think it’s a small group of people,” announced the white-supremacist-in-chief.